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Brian Y. S. Wong
Brian Y. S. Wong
Brian Wong is an assistant professor in philosophy at the University of Hong Kong, and a Rhodes Scholar and adviser on strategy for the Oxford Global Society.

Being part of ‘one country’ bestows market access and strategic heft but it is the distinctions between the ‘two systems’ that make us competitive.

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As a showcase of Hong Kong stories and a launching pad for Chinese soft power, the West Kowloon Cultural District is a public good deserving of public funds.

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Common ground can be found on mitigating AI’s impact on jobs and societies, holding back military AI and avoiding unintended perverse consequences.

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Amid threats such as climate change, more exchanges and dialogues between young people in the US and China can help forge trust. Hong Kong also has a crucial role to play when it comes to connecting youth across the Pacific, owing to its unique concentration of intellectual capital.

Hong Kong can best serve China by providing Beijing with a more accurate picture of its global image and a site for forward-thinking experimentation. Doing so will require becoming a talent hub for the Greater Bay Area, building academic ties with rest of the world and serving as a venue for needed dialogue.

The spectre of ultranationalism is haunting Chinese social media and getting in the way of countering increasingly negative views of China around the world. Those who welcome a more vocal turn in Chinese online discourse should remember that nationalistic outbursts do not signal strength.

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To counteract Trump’s caustic policies, China must expand its multichannel diplomacy with the US, engage with the rest of the West in a more nuanced way, and regain its economic mojo.

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Amid US-China tensions, Asean has carved its own path with shrewd balancing, hedging and consolidation, showing how small and medium-sized powers can navigate the increasingly turbulent dynamics between the two countries.

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Beijing should work to restore the confidence of domestic and global investors to ensure continued economic growth benefits everyone. Focusing less on security, increasing data transparency and minimising uncertainty around government actions would be a good start.

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Hong Kong’s openness, unique culture and strong rule of law mean it can play an important role in fostering exchanges between the US and China. That requires promoting collaboration in apolitical areas, scaling up artistic and cultural exchanges, and hosting more backchannel discussions.

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Risks from China must be put in perspective against tensions in northeast Asia, from Taiwan to the Korean peninsula, and an increasingly isolationist and protectionist US.

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Both countries must look beyond trade and investment as their bridges, diversifying their areas of close cooperation. Technology, sustainability and culture are vital avenues.

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Given Asean engagement is vital to Hong Kong’s relevance and competitiveness, the city must play up its usefulness, lower entry barriers, boost Asean-China collaboration and offer more scholarships.

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Offering young people open platforms for creative expression is a powerful means for the city to re-engage its future talent, and is also simply the best way to revitalise urban aesthetics.

For a start, the Thai military should focus on regional peacekeeping with China, especially in Myanmar, and Thailand must remain a safe haven for investment, particular Chinese.

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Seen as a bellwether of Beijing’s policy direction, Hong Kong’s authorities must present the right optics, meaning no decisions that hurt international confidence.

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Some might argue that the EU does not matter to China, but the bloc’s diplomatic and trade heft means Beijing should work to improve relations. The EU serves as a critical counterweight to the US and its allies, is China’s second-largest trading partner, and a key pillar in Beijing’s vision of a multipolar world.

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Closed-mindedness is not in keeping with Hong Kong’s role as a centre for international cultural exchange and a site of cultural experimentation and reform. Rather than more politicisation, the city needs to go back to what it does best – welcoming the world with open arms.

To seize the opportunities presented by its unique regional and global position, Hong Kong must improve its Asian literacy, think imaginatively about how it can reach out to developing countries and shed the inward-looking trend among some Hongkongers.

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Focusing only on the combatants, Europe, Nato and China in any discussion on Russia’s invasion of Ukraine risks ignoring large parts of the world. Attitudes towards the war are complex and varied among nations in the Global South, and they should be part of the global conversation.

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Officials must steer competition away from sensitive areas while moderates return to face-to-face backchannel dialogues. Crucially, both sides must stop escalating the vitriol and unpredictability.

Hong Kong’s success as a gateway city has always depended on its ability to connect not only with mainland China, but partners all over the world. Now, as the city reopens, Hong Kong must re-engage old friends in the West while forging new relationships in Asia.

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The city needs a soul, a guiding vision to radically improve cultural education, reorient cultural policymaking and research, and genuinely broaden cultural exchanges.

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There are many more reasons, of course, for Hong Kong to care. It can start by moving towards equal marriage rights for all, and proper healthcare and legal protection for LGBTQ people

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Chief Executive John Lee’s first policy address showed the government understands its mission: bring back global talent, diversify the economy and cut policy inaction. But what is still missing is a sense of the values, principles and unique elements on which our city’s future success will be built.

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Dry statistics and bland public relations campaigns are not enough to assuage criticism and concerns about Hong Kong’s status. The best way to improve the city’s image is to let ordinary Hongkongers be its voice and tell the story of the city they love.

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