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The View | End of hyper-globalisation need not mean a world where geopolitics trumps all else

  • With China’s rise as a geopolitical rival to the US, and Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, strategic competition has reasserted itself over economics
  • However, a scenario is possible with a better balance between the prerogatives of the nation state and the requirements of an open economy

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Then US president Donald Trump swings a baseball bat made by the Texas Timber Bat Company, while participating in the Spirit of America Showcase, at the White House on July 2, 2020. During his term, Trump, who pledged to bring manufacturing jobs back to the US, instituted a trade war with China. Photo: EPA-EFE
The post-1990s era of hyper-globalisation is now commonly acknowledged to have ended. The Covid-19 pandemic and Russia’s war against Ukraine have relegated global markets to a secondary role behind national objectives – in particular, public health and national security.
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But all the talk about deglobalisation should not blind us to the possibility that the current crisis may produce a better globalisation.

In truth, hyper-globalisation had been in retreat since the global financial crisis of 2007-08. The share of trade in world GDP began to decline after 2007, as China’s export-to-GDP ratio plummeted by 16 percentage points.

Global value chains stopped spreading. International capital flows never recovered to their pre-2007 heights. And populist politicians openly hostile to globalisation became much more influential in advanced economies.

Hyper-globalisation crumbled under its many contradictions. First, there was a tension between the gains from specialisation and from productive diversification.

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The principle of comparative advantage held that countries should specialise in what they were currently good at producing. But a long line of developmental thinking suggested that governments should instead push national economies to produce what richer countries did.

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