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Chief Executive Carrie Lam was herself awarded the Grand Bauhinia Medal in 2016, when she was chief secretary. Photo: Edward Wong
Opinion
Opinion
by Justin Bong-Kwan
Opinion
by Justin Bong-Kwan

Hong Kong’s honours system must be recognised as a colonial legacy in disguise

  • Although British chivalric orders have given way to Hong Kong’s own honours, the system remains a problematic symbol of inequality and social divisiveness, and needs to be revamped
Chief Executive Carrie Lam Cheng Yuet-ngor recently conferred honours and awards at Government House on those recognised in the 2020 Honours List for their distinguished contributions to the Hong Kong community. This year’s recipients included Legislative Council president Andrew Leung Kwan-yuen, former police chief Stephen Lo Wai-chung, as well as actor Natalis Chan Pak-cheung.

While acknowledging contributions to society is a noble gesture in itself, is it appropriate to do so under a system which, by its very nature, is out of kilter with the values of modern Hong Kong society?

Prior to the transfer of sovereignty in 1997, honours were awarded by the queen under the British orders of chivalry, most commonly the Order of the British Empire, the grades of which are still discernible in the structure of Hong Kong’s current honours system.

For instance, in place of the Knight or Dame Grand Cross (GBE), one is now awarded the Grand Bauhinia Medal (GBM). Although British chivalric orders have since given way to Hong Kong’s own orders, such as the Order of the Grand Bauhinia, the honours system remains a problematic symbol of inequality and social divisiveness.

In the days of empire, the queen’s honours were not merely an elitist and anachronistic aesthetic of empire, which colonial subjects wore in deference to the Crown. The honours system was used as a political device to strengthen imperial administration across the realm. It was a means by which Britain secured the allegiance of the local ruling class with a view to mobilising them to maintain stability among colonial subjects.

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Jan Morris observes in her book, Hong Kong: “Chinese magnates of [colonial] Hong Kong have never been slow to accept British titles, so that the names of exotic-sounding knights – Sir Robert Ho Tung, Sir Sik-nin Chau, Sir Run Run Shaw – have long entered the ranks of the imperial chivalry.”

Arguably, conferring such honours facilitated “indirect rule”, a concept most notably propounded by Frederick Lugard, former governor of Hong Kong (1907-1912). Maintenance of the unequal power dynamic between the coloniser and the colonised could be delegated to a privileged minority of colonial elites, who were categorically distinguished from the rest of the colonial population.

As such, the honours system was an instrument of oppression that took advantage of imperialism’s inherent inequalities and played to the folly of human vanity. In his book Ornamentalism: How the British saw Their Empire, historian David Cannadine argues that awarding honours to members of the ruling class was “an emphatic sign that they were being treated as social equals”.

He further notes that the “common lust for titles brought together the British proconsular elite and the indigenous colonial elites into a unified, ranked, honorific body – ‘one vast interconnected world’.”

The problematic nature of British chivalric honours is not lost on Britons. Earlier this month, it was reported that an increasing number of people in Britain have been rejecting the queen’s honours over the past decade due to the negative connotations of Britain’s imperial past. A 2004 House of Commons public administration select committee report recommended that the Order of the British Empire be phased out.

As the world continues to unpick the racial, social and economic inequalities in the wake of imperialism, it is difficult to see how Hong Kong society can in good conscience perpetuate such an exploitative institution pseudonymously. Has the colonial identity been internalised by Hong Kong’s collective consciousness to the extent that it is unaware of the glaring systemic oppression engendered by this institution?

Indeed, Chen Zuoer, a former deputy director of the State Council’s Hong Kong and Macau Affairs Office, has said Hong Kong’s decolonisation process is not complete because Hongkongers have yet to rid themselves of their colonial-subject mentality.
If there is any prospect of achieving decolonisation, the Hong Kong government should focus on dismantling institutionalised legacies of colonial oppression as opposed to covering up British royal insignia on colonial-era postboxes and painting them green. Even though life under empire was not of Hong Kong’s own choosing, life after empire is and should be.

Justin Bong-Kwan is a practising barrister and a freelance writer based in Hong Kong

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