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Beijing’s interventions remind Hong Kong of the importance of national interests

Tian Feilong says the central government’s more hands-on approach does not mean ‘one country, two systems’ should be allowed to fail. Rather, it’s a reminder that Hong Kong should reconsider the role it plays in the nation’s development

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Tian Feilong says the central government’s more hands-on approach does not mean ‘one country, two systems’ should be allowed to fail. Rather, it’s a reminder that Hong Kong should reconsider the role it plays in the nation’s development
The success or failure of “one country, two systems” affects not only Hong Kong, but the entire nation. Illustration: Craig Stephens
The success or failure of “one country, two systems” affects not only Hong Kong, but the entire nation. Illustration: Craig Stephens
Hong Kong has not been calm after the chief executive election. Beijing has become more proactive, even tougher, in governing the city, and “one country” has grown in importance in the formula blending it with “two systems”.
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This change did not come about only recently. In the past few years, conflicts have erupted between Beijing and Hong Kong. Against this backdrop, the central government is gradually shedding its habit of self-restraint under the principle of “one country, two systems” and has become less amenable to arguments touting the rule of law and its governance system.

Hong Kong society has felt the change. Many are wary, some are disgusted, but no one can do anything about it.

Beijing could intervene in Hong Kong affairs if serious political problems emerge, Chinese expert warns

Several recent incidents related to this shift towards “one country” have drawn much attention. They arguably signal an intention by Beijing and the SAR government to set the rules and spell out the bottom line for Hong Kong people, particularly those who oppose Beijing.

In terms of rule setting, we see it in the spate of legal action against political activists following the chief executive election. Among those arrested, charged or convicted were those involved in the Mong Kok riot last year, protest leaders of the 2014 Occupy movement, the two disqualified pro-independence lawmakers, and those involved in protests over the oath-taking saga.
Disqualified lawmakers Yau Wai-ching and Sixtus Baggio Leung Chung-hang were charged last week with unlawful assembly and forceful entry over an attempt to barge into a Legislative Council meeting last November. Photo: Reuters
Disqualified lawmakers Yau Wai-ching and Sixtus Baggio Leung Chung-hang were charged last week with unlawful assembly and forceful entry over an attempt to barge into a Legislative Council meeting last November. Photo: Reuters
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Such actions were an attempt not only to build a relevant new case law framework through the rule of law, but also to reverse a tendency in the Hong Kong judiciary wherein the protection of “one country” accorded by the Basic Law has been ignored, as seen in the jailing of seven police officers for beating up an Occupy activist. A consensus has been reached that using the rule of law to suppress the promotion of Hong Kong independence is a way to govern Hong Kong.
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